We know, therefore, what literature is, and that it is an excellent thing which ministers to the joy of living; but when we are asked to define the subject, we are in the position. Augustine, who said of time, if you ask me what time is, i know not; but if you ask me not, then i know. For literature is like happiness, or love, or life itself, in that it can be understood or appreciated but can never be exactly described. It has certain describable qualities, however, and the best place to discover these paperless is our own bookcase. Here on a shelf are a dictionary, a history of America, a text on Chemistry, which we read or study for information; on a higher shelf are. As you like it, hiawatha, lorna doone, the Oregon Trail, and other works to which we go for pleasure when the days work is done. In one sense all these and all other books are literature; for the root meaning of the word is letters, and a letter means a character inscribed or rubbed upon a prepared surface.
In an old English book, written before columbus dreamed of a westward journey to find the east, is the story of a traveler who set out to search the world for wisdom. Through Palestine and India he passed, traveling by sea or land through many seasons, till he came to a wonderful island where he saw a man plowing in the fields. And the wonder was, that the man was calling familiar words to his oxen, such wordes as men speken to bestes in his owne lond. Startled by the sound of his mother tongue he turned back on his course in gret mervayle, for he knewe not how it myghte. But if he had passed on a little, says the old record, he would have founden his contree and his owne knouleche. Facing a new study of literature our impulse is to search in strange places for a definition; but though we compass a world of books, we must return at last, like desk the worthy man. Mandevilles Travels, to our own knowledge. Since childhood we have been familiar with this noble subject of literature. We have entered into the heritage of the ancient Greeks, who thought that Homer was a good teacher for the nursery; we have made acquaintance with Psalm and Prophecy and Parable, with the knightly tales of Malory, with the fairy stories of Grimm or Andersen.
I am discussing forces and tendencies, and the magnitude attained as yet by those forces and tendencies ought not to be exaggerated. I regard plutocracy, however, as the most sordid and debasing form of political energy known. In its motive, its processes, its code, and its sanctions it is infinitely corrupting to all the institutions which ought to preserve and protect society. The time to recognize it for what it is, in its spirit and tendency, is when it is in its germ, not when it is full green. Here, then, in order to analyze plutocracy further, we must make some important distinctions. Plutocracy ought to be carefully distinguished from the power of capital. The effect of the uncritical denunciations of capital, and monopoly, and trust, of which we hear so much, is, as I shall try to show further on, to help forward plutocracy. This is taken from William. Outlines of English and American Literature.
Human Knowledge: foundations and Limits
The most recent history of the civilized states of Western Europe has shown constant and rapid advance of plutocracy. The popular doctrines of the last hundred years have spread the notion that everybody ought to freud enjoy comfort and luxury — that luxury is a sort of right. Therefore if anybody has luxury while others have it not, this is held to prove that men have not equally shared in the fruits of civilization, and that the state in which such a condition of things exists has failed to perform its function; the. In the mean time, with the increasing thirst for luxury and the habit of thinking of it as within the scope of every mans rights, the temptations of dishonest gain increase, and especially are all those forms of gain which come, not from defalcation and. A man who is on the make, to use a slang phrase produced from the very phenomena to which I refer, does not think of himself as dishonest, but only as a man of the world. He is only utilizing the chances which he can get or make to win gain from the conjuncture of political and social circumstances, without intentional crime such as the statute has forbidden. This runs all the way from the man who sells his vote to the statesman who abuses official power, and it produces a class of men who have their price.
The principle of plutocracy is that money buys whatever the owner of money wants, and the class just described are made to be its instruments. At the same time the entire industrial development of the modern world has been such as to connect industry with political power in the matter of joint-stock companies, corporations, franchises, concessions, public contracts, and so on, in new ways and in great magnitude. It is also to be noted that the impersonal and automatic methods of modern industry, and the fact that the actual superintendent is often a representative and quasi-trustee for others, has created the corporate conscience. An ambitious Roman used to buy and bribe his way through all the inferior magistracies up to the consulship, counting upon getting a province at last out of which he could extort enough to recoup himself, pay all his debts, and have a fortune besides. Modern plutocrats buy their way through elections and legislatures, in the confidence of being able to get powers which will recoup them for all the outlay and yield an ample surplus besides. What I have said here about the venality of the humbler sets of people, and about the greed and arrogance of plutocrats, must not be taken to apply any further than it does apply, and the facts are to be taken only as ones knowledge.
It will be noticed, however, that this doctrine implies that the people are to embrace every element in the society, including all the women and children, for in no sense could this grand consensus be true unless it was universal. It is of its very essence that the whole voice should be in it; it is its catholicity which constitutes its guarantee. If the feminine element is left out of it, its guarantee is gone; it is one-sided and imperfect; it is no longer human and social; it has sunk from the grade of a grand and inspiring conception to that of the party cry. Neither is it true if the children are left out of it, for it is only in the sweep of time, after long and patient revision, that the judgments have authority. It must therefore be the work of generations to make those judgments; it is only the undying society, in its continuity and undistinguished generations, which can make them, and if they are to be true, the fire and hope of youth are as essential components.
Now, however, turn this same dogma into a maxim that peasants and artisans are the people, that they are the depositaries of social and political wisdom, as distinguished from the sages and philosophers. Tell the young man not to worry about learning, to sneer at culture, to spend his nights on the street and his Sundays reading dime novels and the. Police gazette, and, when election day comes, to throw his vote so as to make a political job for himself or his friend; tell him that this is what is meant by the doctrine that the people ought to rule, and that in doing all. In practise, therefore, democracy means that all those who are once admitted to political power are equal and that the power lies with the numerical majority of these equal units. If then the political divisions form themselves class-wise, then the most numerous class becomes the demos and is the depositary of political power. For this reason if we establish a democracy and then set the classes and the masses against each other, it is the utmost treason against democracy, because it ingrafts upon it from the start the worst vices of social discord and social greed which have. A plutocracy is a political form in which the real controlling force is wealth. This is the thing which seems to me to be really new and really threatening; there have been states in which there have been large plutocratic elements, but none in which wealth seemed to have such absorbing and controlling power as it threatens.
Essay on Man by Alexander Pope
The demos, for political hippie purposes, has always excluded women, minors, resident aliens, slaves, paupers, felons, etc., according to the constitution in each case; the people, therefore, has always meant some defined section of the population, not the whole. Furthermore, in any modern state, even a superficial study of the current phrases and accepted formulae will show that the word people is used mattress in a technical sense to mean, not even the whole body of legal voters, but a limited number of them. A writer who rages at the idea that there are any classes will, in the next paragraph, reiterate all the current formulae about the people, and reveal by the context that he means to distinguish the people as peasants, artisans, and uneducated persons, from the. Yet the current dogmas about the rights and wisdom of the people have no truth whatever, and no moral beauty, except when they are affirmed of the whole population, without any exception whatever. The dogmas in question are not really maxims or principles of actual political life and administration; they are sublime conceptions of the undeveloped power of growth and civilization in human society. As inspiring ideals, as educational motives, as moral incentives, they have incalculable value; but then they are philosophical and academical generalities, not every-day rules of action for specific exigencies. When they are once dragged down into the mud of practical politics, and are cut to the measure of party tactics, they are most pernicious falsehoods. For instance, the notion that a human society, acting as a whole, bringing its reason and conscience to bear on its problems, traditions, and institutions, constantly reviewing its inherited faiths, examining its experiments, profiting by its own blunders, reaching out after better judgment and correcting. If the doctrine that the people ought to rule, and that the people know what is wise and right means this, it is true and fruitful.
Fat Cat Art: i insert my ginger Cat Into famous paintings (20 New Pics). Owner Got a cat In 1988, Probably did Not Expect to throw Him a birthday party 30 years Later 20 Times Genius Kids Came Up With Their Own Words For Common Items, And It Was Spot. The beauty of a person is confidence whatever your race, color, creed, age, shape and size. The true presenter of yourself is not your outer fit, the thesis color of skin, height or width its all about your confidence that reflects in the eyes of the people and electrifies them toward you which is your inner-glow, generates from the firm self-confidence making. All the words in -ocracy properly describe political forms according to the chief spring of political power in them: an autocracy is a political form in which the predominant force is the will of the monarch himself; an aristocracy is a form in which the. In each case the name designates that organ which, upon ultimate analysis, is found to have the power to say what shall be and what shall not. A democracy, then, is a political form in which the ultimate power lies with the demos, the people. This mass, however, while unorganized, could not express its will or administer the affairs of the state; there has never been any state organized on such a plan.
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Law of Accelerating Returns, kurzweil
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